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Is Iran Currently an Existential Threat to the United States? A Side-By-Side Comparison of Military Capabilities

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by John Isaacs [contact information]

by Travis Sharp [contact information]

July 7, 2008

For related analysis, see:
Time for a Diplomatic Surge with Iran
American-Iranian Relations: A Code of Conduct and Guide for Action
Risky Business: Why Attacking Iran is a Bad Idea


"They might not be a superpower, but the threat the Government of Iran poses is anything but tiny."
- Senator John McCain (R-AZ), remarks delivered May 19, 2008

"The danger from Iran is grave; it is real; and my goal will be to eliminate this threat."
- Senator Barack Obama (D-IL), remarks delivered June 4, 2008

Iran currently presents a number of serious problems for the United States. Iran could attack U.S. forces in Iraq or use its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah to attack Israel. These elements of the Iranian threat, however, are all too often folded into the breathless rhetoric used to talk about Iran's potential, but far from certain, acquisition of a nuclear weapon in the future.

The current threat posed by Iran is exaggerated by conflating it with the potential, but far from certain, future threat.

A nuclear weapon in the hands of Iran would be dangerous, and the United States must take steps to prevent this development. However, by nearly every quantifiable metric, Iran does not presently represent a serious threat to the United States based on its conventional arsenal.

A side-by-side comparison of the two countries' conventional military capabilities demonstrates the overwhelming superiority of the United States.

It is time to inject realism into discussions about U.S.-Iranian relations. Hyping the threat about Iran obscures the bottom line: Iran does not currently represent an existential threat to the United States or its allies, and there is still time to find a peaceful solution to Iran's nuclear program.

UNITED STATES IRAN
Population 303,824,646 (July 2008 est.) 65,875,223 (July 2008 est.)
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) $13.8 trillion (2007 est.) $0.75 trillion (2007 est.)
Defense spending fiscal year 2009
(% of global total)
$711 billion (includes Iraq/Afghanistan)
48.4%
$7.2 billion
0.5%
Total troops 2,580,875
(1,498,157 active + 1,082,718 reserve)
895,000
(545,000 active + 350,000 reserve)
GROUND FORCES
Main battle tanks 8,023
(7,620 Army + 403 Marines)
1,613 Army
Reconnaissance vehicles 348
(96 Army + 252 Marines)
35 Army
Armored infantry fighting vehicles 6,719 Army 610 Army
Armored personnel carriers 21,242
(19,931 Army + 1,311 Marines)
640 Army
Artillery units 8,041
(6,530 Army + 1,511 Marines)
8,196 Army
Helicopters 5,425
(4,086 Army + 588 Navy + 603 Marines + 148 Air Force, excludes Coast Guard)
311
(223 Army + 30 Navy + 34 Air Force + 24 paramilitary)
NAVAL FORCES
Submarines 71 Navy 6 Navy
Principal surface combatants (includes carriers, cruisers, destroyers, frigates) 106 Navy 5 Navy
Patrol and coastal combatants 157
(16 Navy + 141 Coast Guard)
320
(140 Navy + 50 Revolutionary Guard Corps + 130 paramilitary)
Mine warfare ships 9 Navy 5 Navy
Amphibious ships 490
(124 Army + 366 Navy, includes both principal ships like the LHD/LHA/LPD and smaller landing craft)
21 Navy
AERIAL FORCES
Fighter aircraft 3,538
(9 Army + 1,365 Navy + 386 Marines + 1,778 Air Force)
286 Air Force
Long-range bomber aircraft 170 Air Force None
Transport aircraft 883
(235 Army + 98 Navy + 25 Marines + 525 Air Force, excludes Coast Guard)
136
(17 Army + 13 Navy + 104 Air Force + 2 paramilitary)
Electronic warfare/intelligence aircraft 159
(9 Army +126 Navy + 24 Marines)
3 Navy
Reconnaissance aircraft 134
(60 Army + 4 Marines + 70 Air Force)
6 Air Force
Maritime patrol aircraft 197
(174 Navy + 23 Coast Guard)
8
(3 Navy + 5 Air Force)
Anti-submarine warfare aircraft 58 Navy None
Airborne early warning aircraft 53
(16 Navy + 37 Air Force)
None
NUCLEAR FORCES
Nuclear warheads ~5,400
(4,075 operational + 1,260 reserve)
None

NOTES: Equipment totals exclude reserve/National Guard. This is significant because U.S. reserve/Guard capabilities for most platforms are greater than Iranian active and reserve capabilities combined. A 40,000-strong Iranian paramilitary force, known as the Basij, performs auxiliary law enforcement and border security functions during peacetime. Basij forces report to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. During wartime, somewhere between 450,000 and one million additional combat-capable paramilitary forces are estimated to be available, although the Iranian leadership estimates total Basij membership at 12.6 million.

There are a few things to keep in mind about this chart. First, the figures above are not fully representative of the force each country could bring to bear because they do not take into account the capabilities of each country's allies. For example, America's allies could assist in a potential conflict, and Iran could enlist support from Syria, Hamas, and/or Hezbollah. Second, much of Iran's arsenal is old or low-tech, so the equipment listed above does not indicate qualitative parity. For example, the Iranian Air Force operates aging Northrop Grumman F-14 Tomcats; Russian-made MiG-29s; Chinese-built F-7 M jetfighters; and even older fighter-bombers such as F-4s, F-5s, Su-24s, Su-25s, and Mirage F-1s. These combat aircraft are no match for an American air superiority fighter like the F-22 Raptor, not to mention the vast array of advanced sea and land-based planes operated by the U.S. military.

SOURCES: Population and GDP data is from Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook (updated March 2008). Defense spending data is from Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, The FY2009 Pentagon Spending Request: Global Military Spending (February 2008). Troop strength and conventional forces data is from International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance 2008 (February 2008). Nuclear forces data is from Robert Norris and Hans Kristensen, "U.S. Nuclear Forces, 2008," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (March/April 2008).

John Isaacs 202-546-0795 ext. 2222 jdi@armscontrolcenter.org

John Isaacs is the Executive Director of the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation where his work focuses on national security issues in Congress, Iraq, missile defense, and nuclear weapons. Isaacs has published articles in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Atlanta Journal, St. Louis Post Dispatch, Christian Science Monitor, Nuclear Times, Arms Control Today, American Journal of Public Health, and Technology Review.

Travis Sharp 202-546-0795 ext. 2105 tsharp@armscontrolcenter.org

Travis Sharp is the Military Policy Analyst at the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation. He has published articles on defense policy in scholarly journals, internet magazines, and local newspapers, and has appeared on or been quoted in media venues such as the New York Times, Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, and Al Jazeera.